(�� (�� (�� I think, you know, the contrast between President Obama’s approach to international institutions and multilateralism, collective security and the current administration is very stark and very dramatic. (�� Our first question comes from Stockton University. (�� They may not want to jump up and down and say, oh, look at me, I’m supporting the United Nations, because that’s just not a talking point in some of those circles. (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (Laughter.) (�� POWER: There’s a new movie coming out—there’s a new movie coming out. (�� (�� Because I think you’ll start to see China sensing an opening, and having a very different conception of what the U.N. should be in the 21st century. It certainly symbolizes everything we did in the Second World War and beyond, with the Marshall Plan and the construction of the post-war order that mainlined a very maintained a very long peace for a long time and brought unprecedented prosperity to parts of the world that had never experienced it, created a broad global middle class—letting people down like crazy, we know now, but nonetheless, an architecture that was really important. But, A, this kind of almost—this theoretical model that, like, in game theory would reveal other countries stepping into the breach, because they recognize that it’s in their interest to see leadership and absent U.S. leadership they then say to themselves, oh, well, then it has to be ours. (�� (�� (�� So you have countries that just dig in and just want to kind of protect their turf or their sinecures. (�� (�� (�� (�� It was founded in 1945, in the wake of the Second World War, as a way to prevent future conflicts on that scale. And that’s why I and others, you know, made a concerted push, for instance, to get European countries back into U.N. peacekeeping, which the United States doesn’t really do. Let’s open up to the students for their questions. And I think it was very important that in the effort against ISIL, starting with Obama and some of that progress has been continued, but the rollback of ISIL’s territorial gains were very, very important, most especially for the people living in those areas and for the threats that arose from those areas, but also because it showed that the countries comprising the international system could cooperate with one another, could stymie the flow of people and of money into terrorist hands. (�� That, like, carrying that burden for 72 years of leading the world, like that’s a steep burden. I see sort of the opposite. Be the first. And a lot of countries showed up. (�� endobj (�� Thank you for your service to our country and for talking with us today. (�� I hope that you all look at Ambassador Power’s New York Times op-ed that was published on I think September 19th. (�� 3 0 obj (�� -- Created using Powtoon -- Free sign up at http://www.powtoon.com/youtube/ -- Create animated videos and animated presentations for free. Q: Hi. November 10, 2020, Academic Webinar: Migration in the Americas, Conference Call And people issued their statements—and, by people I mean people representing other countries, including powerful countries. (�� endobj And there’s a lot of work, of course, left to be done. But the notion that we can just walk away and then think that other countries are going to fill that vacuum, which I think is, at least as you’ve articulated, the theory part of the conception—it’s just not going to happen. (�� I’m Irina Faskianos, vice president for the National Program and Outreach here at CFR. (�� You know, we, the United States, are able to put in place sanctions against a number of leaders who were stealing from their people and perpetrating mass atrocities. (�� I just saw some polls yesterday. So you talked about how countries around the world, such as South Sudan, feel impunity from the U.N. now. Institutions of global governance—the United Nations, the International Criminal Court, the World Bank, etc.—tend to have limited or demarcated power to enforce compliance. (�� We had so many questions still in queue, and I apologize to all of you that we could not get to you, but we try to end on time. (�� (�� OPERATOR: Our next question comes from the University of Arizona College of Law. (�� (�� 1 0 obj So extremely disruptive and deeply embarrassing for a country that had, until recently, led on human rights. We can just look at, at least, something like South Sudan the same way, and come up with a more robust collective solution that would really change the calculus of the leadership in South Sudan. But, you know, even on South Sudan, we—where there’s way more deference to the government than I think is appropriate, given what the government’s doing to its people, but nonetheless peacekeepers on the ground. Obama said, if we don’t deal with this at it—at its root, we’re going to have a major problem here and we’re going to see colossal suffering of a kind, you know, we’ve never seen before. (�� (�� (�� (�� The resolution, co-sponsored by over 90 UN Member States, reaffirms the commitment of all parties to continue efforts to bridge the democracy gap between the international agenda and its implementation at the national level. Probably second because of the horrors of Syria and the fact that even, like, the mass torture of people in prisons—torture and execution of people in prisons, giving them serial numbers, I mean, just almost, like, totalitarian terror inflicted on people, chemical weapons used at that, couldn’t mobilize the international community to protect anybody practically on the ground. (�� It’s a group of filmmaker—Oscar-winning filmmakers who followed Secretary Kerry, myself, a few other Obama administration officials around as we conducted diplomacy the last year in office. optimal leadership roles for the United Nations. But I think the main way that our nation’s relationship with the U.N. and our popular culture’s understanding of the U.N. changes is, you know, by virtue of how our leaders talk about this organization. The success of the U.N. and the limits of the U.N. to perform a constructive role in the world that we need it to perform, those limits and that extent is defined by member states—of which there are 193—and very specifically by the powerful member states, specifically the permanent members of the Security Council—the United States, Britain, France, China, and Russia—but also, you know, the emerged powers like India, Japan, you know, Germany. In 2003, she won the Pulitzer Prize and the National Book Critics Circle Award for her book “A Problem from Hell: America and the Age of Genocide.” If you haven’t read it, I commend it to you all. (�� So too, you know, pulling out of the Paris agreement, when you have small member states at the U.N., you know, literally disappearing under water. (�� China has gone from being one of the smallest donors to the U.N.—you know, almost like one of those very, very small countries back when it joined in the U.N. as the PRC—to now being the number-two donor to peacekeeping and the number-three donor to the overall budget. I mean, you know, I don’t believe taking any problem immediately to the scrum of the large number of countries that comprise either the Security Council, 15, or the General Assembly, 193, that’s almost never the way to roll in international diplomacy. (�� Learn more about CFR’s resources for the classroom at CFR Campus. The World Trade Organization is a major player in the field of global governance. (�� (�� ��(�� (�� The United Nations Global Compact – which is a Global Public Policy Network advocating 10 universal principles in the areas of human rights, labor standards, environmental protection, and anticorruption – has turned into the world's largest corporate responsibility initiative. And the truth is, you don’t even get out the gate because the countries that China would wish to see on the Security Council and the countries that they would impede standing membership on the Security Council sort of ends the conversation almost at minute one. (�� The Trump budget on foreign aid was an abomination. (�� (�� Now, we can talk about that fact that as a U.N.—again, you can blame the U.N. for that, but fundamentally it’s about two very large countries with a lot of pull within the kind of executive branch of the U.N. just seeing the conflict completely differently. (�� It wasn’t meant to be yes or no or if, you know, intervening militarily. (�� (�� So I just heard that, like, in the wake of the hurricanes they were doing, you know, really important work in the Caribbean. (�� But it’s hard to generalize. (�� The global spread of COVID-19 has put United Nations and international law and governance on pandemic response and related legal fields into the limelight. (�� And you’d love to see something much more representative of the 2017, you know, kind of power dynamics. But the way to get other countries to pull their weight and make the U.N. work, and make international law the taming force, is not to walk away from international law and not to ridicule countries—the countries that comprise the U.N. and cut funding to the institution itself. (�� And quite clearly, the UN is far less important in terms of global economic governance than the World Bank, the IMF and the WTO. (�� (�� Finally, we will recom-mend actions and initiatives to help the United Nations fulfill its leadership roles. (�� And that’s the approach we took, for instance, on climate. (�� United Nations. The book attempts to examine the changing roles of civil society in global and national governance. So thank you all. (�� (�� But fundamentally, you know, the circumstances haven’t caused the parties to, you know, want to pursue that agreement. But the way the U.N. will change will be when the countries that comprise it pursue policies within the international system that are more enlightened and look more to the medium and long term than to scoring political points on a Twitter feed. It is fundamentally sending a signal that we believe Muslims are terrorists. (�� (�� (�� It was established on 24 October 1945. (�� So it’s not what you would like to see. The leading institution in charge of global governance today is the United Nations. (�� %&'()*456789:CDEFGHIJSTUVWXYZcdefghijstuvwxyz��������������������������������������������������������������������������� (�� But for—in order for the five permanent members to settle on which countries should actually be represented on the U.N. Security Council, it just isn’t—it isn’t realistic, because, again, of the very, very different worldview. And they require sustained diplomacy and pressure on other countries. And we need to harness an institution that, when it works—which, again, is not as often as it should, but can deal with threats like Ebola, which cross borders, and can mobilize states to build norms together and then, on good days, hold those states accountable to those norms. (�� Like, all of those are the right issues to be pushing, and many, many more along those lines. (�� (�� So I think the way that R2P gets talked about, appropriately, is about all of the other thing, short of military force, that need to be done in the face of mass atrocities. (�� So warring couples was the closest thing I could get to the United Nations. We can’t sustain the burdens that are being maintained and not see more contributions from more countries. Other countries pay 72 percent. (�� (�� (�� You know, whatever about their wants—you know, I can’t know the intentions of those individuals, I won’t speak to those. So I don’t—I don’t see that coming anytime soon, but I also didn’t see Donald Trump coming. So I think, you know, fundamentally the way to deal with the—you know, with terrorism in the region, with the security concerns that the Israelis have, with the need to end the occupation is through a peace process where both sides give. (�� So we’re not there. (�� (�� (�� (�� But you know, fundamentally there is a choice, right? (�� And frankly, a willingness on the part of the Russian Federation to initially look away from and then contribute to some of the worst atrocities that we’ve seen in the last 50 years. (�� Our economic, travel, you know, even people-to-people entanglements and relationships are much thicker than they were at the time the U.N. was founded. (�� (�� But on your second question, it’s quite hard to generalize. (�� And worst-case scenario, the Donald may be eyeing that real estate. (�� (�� (�� (�� I miss public service every day, so this is definitely the most rewarding chapter in my life and I feel very blessed to have had that opportunity, though I am glad to actually see my children now day today and to get to watch them grow up a little bit. You’d like to see a kind of well-oiled machine. And if you followed what I was saying, the challenge in answering the question is the same challenge that exists at the U.N. itself, which is any structural change has to go through those five permanent members who, you know, I can’t think of really a time when the division between—since the Cold War—where the division between the United States and Russia has been so significant, where China’s rise means that it is going to be, again, asserting itself much more. But we’re never going to get there, right? (�� I mean, just slashing, slashing, cutting—you know, just some bean counter with no regard for the interests that are advanced by investing, let’s say, in anti-HIV programs. They’re trying to be active in South Sudan. (�� (�� (�� But I think an approach that is simply cutting and not actually looking substantively at what work is being done and what will be lost—as I think just happened in the Democratic Republic of Congo—I think that’s very problematic. But we did manage to get, you know, a remarkable number of tons of chemical weapons out of Syria, did manage to create a joint investigative mechanism together. (�� A lot of leaders don’t want to push political water uphill either, right, and know that there’s fear there, and that—and there’s demagoguery, and a lot of legitimate fears, and a lot of very false claims that are—that are out there. I think we have in the current secretary-general, Antonio Guterres, a very unusual leader, somebody who’s been head of state but also run UNHCR, the refugee agency, for a decade at the time of the largest displacement crisis since the Second World War. (�� (�� And if you approach it ala carte and just go to it when you need something—so, when you need sanctions against North Korea, which have been achieved and it’s very important that they’ve been achieved—and then look for enforcement of sanctions on North Korea, it’s not as if the actions you take, let’s say on the Iran deal, exist in a vacuum. The United Nations Global Compact – which is a Global Public Policy Network advocating ten universal principles in the areas of human rights, labour standards, environmental protection, and anti-corruption – has turned into the world’s largest corporate responsibility initiative. (�� And the flimsier—I think this is what we saw with the displacement crisis and with a lot of the violence in sub-Saharan Africa and the Middle East in recent years, is a kind of crisis of confidence born of state failure and humanitarian suffering gives rise to a real demand on the countries within the U.N. to perform and to find a way to cooperate. (�� But the sort of main threats that are before us today. (�� (�� POWER: I’m not sure I understand that part of the question, but I’ll take the first part of the question, which I think it’s deeply troubling for all the reasons that many courts have stuck it down. (�� (�� (�� (�� They can then go about enforcing those norms. This year's topic, "The United Nations and Civil Society: The Role of NGOs" is indeed timely. (�� (�� But fundamentally it’s those countries that make the U.N. work in service of what you might call global governance. (�� I mean, they spent years of their lives meeting with foreign leaders and visiting refugee camps and seeing up close, you know, what suffering looks like, and how threats to us get nested and start to grow. So is there a way for the average citizen to really support the U.S. being a responsible actor and, you know, promoting a good world order? They have a very important role—“we,” I should say, because it includes the United States—in not only norm-setting, but norm enforcement, you know, in really deciding, OK, you know, massive sexual violence has been carried out in South Sudan; what are we going to do about it? OPERATOR: Our next comes from Colby College. (�� Because I think the critics of the U.N. have actually been quite effective with the bumper stickers over the years. And going back in time is something we very much tried to do, and tried to encourage a return to the agreement that had been signed. And indeed, I really worry that some of the actual action that has come out of the U.N., which has been the product of U.S. leadership across Republican and Democratic administrations, that those actions will be harder and harder for the executive branch, as it were, the Security Council, and other parts of the U.N., to effectuate. (�� (�� (�� (�� Thank you very much—. (�� (�� And some of the frustrations of the current administration were shared and articulated very forcefully by us in the previous administration about the need for other countries to pull their weight more often within the international system. (�� But it is just a pulpit, and he will be at his best and at his most effective when he can get the major powers to be going in the same direction. (�� You see what’s possible, what you can extract from the countries that are the most relevant, for whatever the issue is. (�� That’s a world where R2P is really sort of actionable for countries—for all the countries of the Security Council, and not just the Western countries. For thirty years we have convened this conference series to address a wide variety of issues related to the United Nations and global governance. (�� OPERATOR: Our next question comes from the University of Southern Mississippi. (�� (�� It’s toxic because every year there are 18 resolutions, roughly, taken out against Israel, given, you know, some legitimate concerns about the occupation and given some wild, frankly anti-Semitic—arguments made by member states of the U.N. (�� So you work behind the scenes. (�� He’s, I think, a very articulate leader. (�� (�� (�� But halting ISIS in its tracks, rolling that back, again, helps get us back, at least in one domain, on a more virtuous cycle where people think, oh, OK, international institutions can be a stage where countries come together. (�� So to your question, though, is there still a place, there is absolutely a place, because how could you live in a world and how could it be a stable world, even from a security standpoint, if governments are just able to massacre their people? And she is currently writing a new book, “The Education of an Idealist,” which will chronicle her years in public service, and reflect on the role of human rights and humanitarian ideals in contemporary politics. And so, again, I think we—in recent years it has been a struggle with leaders feeling impunity. Q: Thank you for speaking with us. But, you know, I don’t—I see cooler heads prevailing, so far, as it relates to, for instance, foreign aid. The best multilateral diplomacy starts with a small circle and then just adds—sort of tacks countries on. (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� So the ISIS coalition, while, you know, too much suffering had already occurred, I think was very important. When that kind of brutality is used, the ability to put Humpty-Dumpty back together again and for that leader to ever stabilize the country and the situation a real way, and ever really deal with the recruitment appeal of his tactics for very bad actors like ISIS—evil actors like ISIS—we just believe that in the long run that approach is not going to work. And so for the sake of our kids, we’ve got to develop a constructive working relationship with it, and harness it to our ends. supports HTML5 video, Conference Call — September 27, 2017 — 64 min. (�� The system just doesn’t work if big countries like ours walk away from our responsibility to do our share, which I think is sort of the opposite of Ebola. They came in after the Haiti earthquake and invested—you know, sent a medical team, I believe. (�� And so, while the U.N. is an actor in its own right—there are people who carry baby blue and white passports and, in effect, salute the U.N. flag as their almost primary flag in their place of work—all those people work and do what they do because of the investment of member states. (�� Now, there’s a reason that people in the United States feel that they’re kind of tired of carrying that burden, right? (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� (�� And Germany, of course, carrying a very large share of the—of the refugee population that tried to move into Europe. (�� (�� But the fact of the matter is we went from seeing 8.5 million infections on an exponentially spreading virus—you know, that number was going to be arrived at five months hence—to ending the Ebola epidemic in those three countries. And the precise nature of the main threats that we face—and there are, of course, major threats posed by Russia and more medium-term but very significant threats and risks associated with China’s rise. (�� (�� And all the other ambassadors in the Security Council were kind of looking at their phones and they’re, you know, jotting—doing little drawings to themselves, or they’re passing notes to one another. (�� (�� (�� (�� I thought that was a really weird way to describe you wanted peace. (�� (�� You know, the five—the World War II victors and France sitting there as permanent members. Four experts contribute their thoughts about the role of the United Nations and the future of global governance in this Expert Roundup. (�� (�� (�� And so I think that those questions that the American people—some share of the American people are asking on the right and left are very reasonable questions. (�� (�� (�� <> POWER: Well, as it relates to the issue of Israel, the U.N. is just a very toxic environment to deal with the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. It’s from 1945. (�� (�� �� � } !1AQa"q2���#B��R��$3br� And so, you know, for us to then, you know, meddle in the middle of that and say, oh no, let’s bring that issue to New York or let’s try to enshrine it in a U.N. agreement, it didn’t—at the—at the penultimate moment, it didn’t feel as though that would be additive when things seemed to be tracking. (�� (�� And then working hard at a grassroots level to put into office people who share a belief that flawed and, you know, massively frustrating though the U.N. can be, you know, it’s the principal organ to deal with—it’s the only organ, really, that represents every country to deal with transnational threats of a global scale. We couldn’t show up in Paris unless we knew what we and the Chinese were prepared to give and to sacrifice. (�� (�� International oceans governance has become an increasingly important topic over the past few years, in response to scientific discoveries and concerns about environmental and resource issues. And so that experiences and those exposures are really, really important. It was saying, look, if atrocities are being carried out, states have a responsibility to look past the sort of sovereign shield that states that are committing atrocities would like to envelop themselves in, and see what tools in the toolbox can you deploy at reasonable risk in order to help people. And Israel is very skeptical that it can get—understandably, again, because of the history—that it can get anywhere near a fair shake at the U.N., because of the bias. But what I’m getting at is that while I view the U.N. like warring couples, it—to keep a marriage together it takes a commitment—a deep, abiding commitment to get through thick and thin. (�� (�� (�� (�� But I think engaging Republicans, encouraging travel—you know, just as a constituent even, or if you’re better plugged in better yet. I see that while the U.N. has been an easy punching bag for, frankly, a lot of people for a very long time. But seriously, how long would a hold back of funds from U.S. take before it did serious damage to the United Nations? (�� Thank you. (�� FASKIANOS: I think we have time for one last question. (�� (�� (�� <>/Font<>/ProcSet[/PDF/Text/ImageB/ImageC/ImageI] >>/MediaBox[ 0 0 612 792] /Contents 5 0 R/Group<>/Tabs/S>> It wasn’t as well-coordinated as anybody would want. (�� Council on Foreign Relations 9/27 Academic Conference Call on The Role of the United Nations in Global Governance with Samantha Power (�� So to unwind that and unravel that would be extremely damaging and extremely painful. The Role of Regions in Global Governance In today’s interconnected and globalised world, multilateral relations are no longer exclusively built on interstate dynamics. (�� A lot of those were small countries that appreciated the fact that the United States stood with them, you know, in their many, many hours of need over the years. (�� The (�� But the second thing I’d say, reflecting my own bias as someone who comes out of the last administration and is very critical of the current administration, is, you know, to have—I mean, Trump’s views are what they are. (�� You can also follow her on Twitter at @SamanthaJPower, so you can keep up with her there. (�� Barlow, in International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, 2001. (�� And probably, you know, more countries would feel like they’re part of that institution. (�� So I think it’s hard to—on your second question—I think I have unsatisfying answers to both your questions. (�� So structural change is really hard. (�� That sort of cross-regional, that’s what the U.N.—one of the reasons it was conceived and peacekeeping was conceived was to bring countries from all over the world so that it projects universal norms rather than any one country or any one region’s agenda. (�� (�� (�� (�� And she also served, from 2005 to 2006, as an international affairs fellow here at CFR. And so I think we were of the view—certainly, I was of the view in New York—I can’t speak for, like, the people in my government who speak Ukrainian and are, you know, Ukraine hands who were tracking this at a level of detail that I wasn’t in New York—but our view in New York was that the parties on the ground had forged their own compromise. (�� The Role of the United Nations in Global Economic Governance Global economic policy issues are often addressed by specialized multilateral agencies in a fragmented, incoherent and inconsistent manner and often with failures in relation to certain areas of global policy – particularly in trade and finance – that have broader implications for the multilateral system as a whole. 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